Siege of Jerusalem (70 CE)
Siege of Jerusalem (70 CE) | ||||||||||
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Part of the First Jewish–Roman War | ||||||||||
Destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem by Francesco Hayez. Oil on canvas, 1867. | ||||||||||
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Belligerents | ||||||||||
Roman Empire |
Judean provisional government loyalists
| Zealots | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | ||||||||||
Simon bar Giora | ||||||||||
Strength | ||||||||||
70,000 | 15,000–20,000 | 10,000 | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | ||||||||||
Unknown | 15,000–20,000 | 10,000 |
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Jerusalem |
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The siege of Jerusalem was the decisive event of the First Jewish–Roman War (66–73 CE), Jewish rebellion against Roman rule in the province of Judaea. In 70 CE, the Roman forces, commanded by Titus, laid siege to the city, which had become the epicenter of rebel resistance. This campaign effectively ended the Jewish revolt, leading to the destruction of the city and the Second Temple. The siege's outcome had enduring political, religious, and cultural implications for the Jewish people and had broader historical consequences.
In the winter of 69/70 CE, Titus led a force of approximately 50,000 troops, including four legions and auxiliary forces, into Judaea. By spring, this army encircled Jerusalem, whose population had swelled with Passover pilgrims and refugees from across the province. The city, already weakened by infighting among rival factions led by John of Gischala, Simon bar Giora and Eleazar ben Simon—who had seized control after the collapse of the moderate rebel government—was cut off from supplies, leaving its inhabitants to suffer from starvation and disease. Despite strong resistance from the defenders, the Romans broke through the city's walls, forcing the defenders into the Temple precincts.
In the summer, during the month of Av, Roman forces breached the Temple Mount and destroyed the Temple—an event commemorated annually in Jewish tradition on Tisha B'Av. The Romans ultimately captured the entire city, quelling the remaining resistance and inflicting a heavy toll on the population, with tens of thousands killed, enslaved, or executed. The city was systematically destroyed, leaving only the three towers of the Herodian citadel standing as a symbol of its former grandeur. A year later, the Roman victory was celebrated with a grand triumph in Rome, during which hundreds of captives were paraded alongside the spoils of the Temple, including the menorah. Monumental structures, such as the still-standing Arch of Titus, were erected in the city to commemorate the conquest.
The destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple marked a major turning point in Jewish history, carrying profound consequences that reshaped Jewish culture, religion, and identity. With the Temple's destruction, Jewish worship adapted, giving rise to Rabbinic Judaism, which emphasized prayer, Torah study, and synagogue gatherings in place of the sacrificial rituals once performed in the Temple. The fall of Jerusalem also played an important role in the development of early Christianity, as the movement increasingly distanced itself from its Jewish roots. After the war, Legio X Fretensis established a military camp on Jerusalem's ruins. A few decades later, the Romans re-founded Jerusalem as the colony of Aelia Capitolina, dedicating it to Jupiter and extinguishing Jewish hopes for the restoration of the Temple. This set the stage for another major Jewish rebellion—the Bar Kokhba revolt.
Background
Jerusalem before the siege
During the Second Temple Period, Jerusalem was the center of religious and national life for Jews, including those in the Diaspora.[1] The Second Temple attracted tens and maybe hundreds of thousands during the Three Pilgrimage Festivals.[1] The city reached a peak in size and population during the late Second Temple period, when the city covered two square kilometres (3⁄4 square mile) and, according to one estimate, had an estimated population of 200,000.[2][3] Magen Broshi estimated the population at around 80,000,[4] while other assessments range from 25,000 to over 150,000.[5] In his Natural History, Pliny the Elder celebrated it as "by far, the most famous of the cities of the East".[6]
In the early Roman period, Jerusalem had two distinct precincts. The first encompassed the regions within the "first wall", the City of David and the Upper City, and was heavily built up, though less so at its wealthy parts. The second, known as the "suburb" or "Bethesda", lay north of the first and was sparsely populated. It contained that section of Jerusalem within the Herodian "second wall" (which was still standing), though it was itself surrounded by the new "third wall", built by king Agrippa I.[7]
Josephus stated that Agrippa wanted to build a wall at least 5 meters thick, literally impenetrable by contemporary siege engines. Agrippa, however, never moved beyond the foundations, out of fear of emperor Claudius "lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs."[8] It was only completed later, to a lesser strength and in much haste, when the First Jewish–Roman War broke out and the defenses of Jerusalem had to be bolstered. Nine towers adorned the third wall.
Jerusalem's natural defenses were weakened by its dependence on imported food, particularly grain, wine, and livestock, since its surrounding agricultural regions could not provide for the city's needs, making it susceptible to famines.[9] The city drew supplies from fertile areas in Judaea, Samaria, Galilee, and beyond.[9] During the war, the city's dependence on imports grew due to the influx of refugees and insurgents.[9]
Outbreak of rebellion
The First Jewish–Roman War, also known as the Great Jewish Revolt, broke following the appointment of prefect Gessius Florus and his demand to receive Temple funds. The governor of Syria, Cestius Gallus, launched a campaign to suppress the rebellion, advancing into Jerusalem in Autumn 66. After setting fire to the parts of the city,[10] he unexpectedly chose to retreat after initial skirmishes.[11] His forces, withdrawing to the coastal plain, were ambushed and decisively defeated at Beth Horon, suffering losses equivalent to an entire legion.[12][11][13]
After their victory, the Jews established a provisional government at the Jerusalem Temple, led by aristocrats,[14] including former High Priest Ananus ben Ananus.[15] The new government appointed commanders to various regions and focused on strengthening Jerusalem's defenses, completing the unfinished Third Wall to protect the city's northern side.[16]
Following Gallus's defeat, Nero entrusted the job of crushing the rebellion in Judaea to Vespasian, a talented and unassuming general. In early 68 CE, Vespasian landed at Ptolemais and began suppression of the revolt with operations in the Galilee. By July 69 all of Judea but Jerusalem had been pacified and the city, now hosting rebel leaders from all over the country, came under Roman siege.[17]
A fortified stronghold, it might have held for a significant amount of time, if not for the intense civil war that then broke out between moderates and Zealots.[17] In the summer of 69 CE, Vespasian departed Judea for Rome and in December became Emperor, with command of the Roman legions passing to his son Titus.[citation needed]
Prelude
By the winter of 69/70, Titus had returned from Alexandria and established Caesarea as his main base.[18] Tiberius Julius Alexander served as his second-in-command.[19] Titus' forces included the legions previously commanded by Vespasian—V Macedonica, X Fretensis, and XV Apollinaris—along with the XII Fulminata, which had suffered defeat in 66 CE.[20] Additional support came from detachments of III Cyrenaica and XXII Deiotariana legions from Egypt, twenty infantry cohortes, eight cavalry alae, Syrian irregulars, and auxiliaries from allied vassal kings. According to Tacitus, "a strong force of Arabs", driven by longstanding enmity toward the Jews, also joined the campaign.[20] This combined force, estimated at a minimum of 48,200 soldiers,[21] was significantly larger than the one deployed for the Roman invasion of Britain in 43 CE.[22]
At the same time, infighting continued in Jerusalem.[23] According to Josephus, the city was engulfed in a three-way civil war, with each faction inflicting harm on the others. Tacitus corroborates this account, noting that the city was divided among three generals and three armies.[24][25] Initially sharing control of the Temple Mount, Eleazar ben Simon broke away from John of Gischala's faction and fortified himself in the Temple's inner court, taking hold of the stores of edible offerings to the Temple.[23] John attacked from below, while Simon Bar Giora's forces, who continued to hold the Upper and Lower City, assaulted John's position.[23] Both sides resorted to artillery, inflicting heavy casualties, including priests and worshippers.[26]
In early Nisan 70 (March/April), Titus departed from Caesarea with Legio XII Fulminata and Legio XV Apollinaris, marching toward Jerusalem.[27] His army advanced through Samaria, reaching Gophna, located 13 miles (21 km) north of Jerusalem.[28] Sextus Vettulenus Cerialis led Legio V Macedonica southward toward Jerusalem via Emmaus, while A. Larcius Lepidus Sulpicianus approached from the west through Jericho with Legio X Fretensis.[28] Titus' main force After resting at Gophna, Titus' force camped in the "Valley of Thorns" near Gibeah, three miles from Jerusalem.[29] Mirroring the strategies of Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar II, Pompey, and Herod in their previous sieges of the city, Titus set his sights on the city's north-northeast side. This area was more accessible, as, unlike other parts of the city, it lacked the protection of a ravine.[30][31]
On the eve of the siege, Jerusalem spanned approximately 170 hectares (420 acres)[4] and, according to one estimate, had a population of around 80,000.[4] Tacitus writes that those who were besieged in Jerusalem amounted to no fewer than 600,000, that men and women alike of every age engaged in armed resistance, that everyone who could pick up a weapon did, and that both sexes showed equal determination, preferring death to a life that involved expulsion from their country.[32][33] Josephus puts the number of the besieged at nearly 1 million. Many pilgrims from the Jewish diaspora who, undeterred by the war, had trekked to Jerusalem to be present at the Temple during Passover became trapped in Jerusalem during the siege.[34] The city also harbored refugees from various regions of the province, including Judea, Galilee, and Idumaea.[35] The factions vying for control of the city ceased hostilities and joined forces to defend it only when the Romans began using battering rams against the walls.[36]
In preparation for the assault on Jerusalem, Titus undertook a risky reconnaissance mission with 600 cavalrymen to evaluate the city's northern defenses, during which he narrowly escaped an ambush by rebel forces after being cut off from his main group.[30][37] Soon after, Titus advanced to Mount Scopus, northeast of Jerusalem, where he established camps for Legions XII, XV and V.[38] Legion X set up camp on the Mount of Olives,[38] but as they were constructing their encampment—some soldiers unarmed—they were attacked by a joint force from the rival factions.[39][40][41] The Jews charged across the Kidron Valley, catching the Romans completely by surprise.[42][40] Only Titus' personal intervention saved the situation, and the Romans managed to repel the attackers.[39] John and Simon reconciled,[39] but their factions continued to maintain separate leadership structures.[43] The rebel leaders upheld the previous division of the city into distinct zones of control: John was in charge of defending the Temple Mount, the Ophel, and the Kidron Valley, while Simon's forces defended the city's residential areas.[43][31]
Siege
On 14 Nisan, with the onset of the week-long Passover festival, the Jews halted their attacks, and the Romans took advantage of the pause to move their besieging forces closer to the city's walls.[44] Meanwhile, on the first night of the holiday, John's forces used the opening of the Temple's inner courtyard gates, which were meant for worshippers attending the festival, as cover to infiltrate the Temple's inner courtyards, subduing the Zealots and bringing them under his control.[36][44][40] Some of them fled to hiding places beneath the Temple Mount.[45] Before attacking the Third Wall, Titus offered peace terms, but the offer was rejected.[30] Internal fighting briefly reignited, with John concentrating on defending the Temple complex while Simon fought on two fronts, disrupting the Roman siegeworks.[46] The two factions seemingly reached a truce shortly thereafter.[47] When the Romans completed their siegeworks, the Jews launched an attack, initially gaining the upper hand but eventually being dispersed by Roman cavalry. During the skirmish, the Idumaean leader John ben Sosas was killed, and the first instance of crucifixion took place.[47]
After fifteen days of unsuccessful attempts by the Jews to burn the Roman siege engines, the Roman battering ram finally breached Jerusalem's third wall, forcing the defenders to retreat.[48] The Romans quickly made preparations for the next assault, and within five days, their battering ram breached the middle section of the second wall.[49] However, the resulting narrow gap left the Roman soldiers who entered the city trapped in its winding alleys.[50] Exploiting their familiarity with their hometown, Jewish defenders inflicted significant losses on the invaders.[51][49] Forced to retreat, the Romans managed to re-enter this part of the city four days later, creating a larger breach that allowed a greater force to enter, ultimately enabling them to capture the area.[52] The Romans then destroyed the city's northern section and took several days to rest.[53] Meanwhile, more Jews deserted the city.[53]
Titus constructed siege ramps at the Antonia Fortress and the towers of the Upper City, also employing psychological warfare.[54] For four days, he showcased Roman military strength through a parade of cavalry and infantry in polished armor as they received their pay.[52] He also renewed peace offers through Josephus, who addressed the people in their "ancestral tongue", likely Hebrew or possibly Aramaic.[52] Josephus argued that the Romans respected Jewish sacred places, while the Jews themselves were bent on their destruction. He urged them to repent, asserting that God had sided with the Romans, which accounted for their success.[55][56] When his appeal was mocked and attacked, he elaborated on Jewish history, arguing that only God could save the Jews from their plight, but their sins and conduct during the war had forfeited divine mercy, resulting in the loss of God's protection.[57][56]
Within the city, internal violence persisted, with factions attacking those attempting to flee and ransacking wealthy homes for food, often employing torture.[58] Simultaneously, Roman forces tortured and crucified fugitives in view of the city walls—at times in varied positions for soldiers' amusement—resulting in over 500 daily executions that filled the available space for crosses, aiming to intimidate the besieged into surrender.[59] Syrian and Arab auxiliaries reportedly disemboweled refugees in search of swallowed valuables.[60][61]
With grain prices soaring, people resorted to scavenging scraps in sewers, and a large number of corpses were discarded outside the city.[62] Many in the city died from extreme hunger, while others suffered from related diseases.[63] Josephus mentions children with swollen bellies[64] and deserters who appear to have suffered from dropsy.[65][63] In Lamentations Rabbah, Eleazar bar Zadok recounts how, despite living many years after the destruction, his father's body never fully recovered. The same work also mentions a woman whose hair fell out due to malnutrition.[66][63]
Seventeen days into the month of Sivan, Roman siege operations resumed. John of Gischala countered by undermining Roman siege engines at Antonia, digging tunnels beneath them, and setting the supports alight; this caused the siege engines to collapse.[67] In the city's western section, John's forces also destroyed Roman siege equipment.[67] The Romans responded by constructing new engines and encircling Jerusalem with a 5 miles (8.0 km) circumvallation wall made of stone to block supplies and escape routes, reportedly completing this work in just three days, according to Josephus.[67] Some people attempted to flee the city, either by jumping from the walls or by pretending to fight with rocks in order to surrender to the Romans.[68]
Within the besieged city, Simon bar Giora intensified purges, executing elites and then those advocating surrender. Their mutilated bodies were cast beyond the walls.[69][70] John and his followers plundered the Temple, melting down sacred vessels, consuming consecrated food, and distributing sacred oil and wine to supporters.[71] The famine worsened, killing many; Josephus recounts the story of a woman from Perea named Maria, who, after being plundered by rebels, roasted and ate her son. When rebels came, drawn by the smell of food, she offered them the leftovers, leaving them shocked and trembling.[72][73]
Destruction of the Temple
After erecting four siege ramps against Antonia,[74] the Romans breached and captured the fortress, subsequently turning their attention to the Temple itself.[75] Initially successful, they were eventually repelled by the Jewish defenders after an intense 12-hour battle.[75][76] On 17 Tammuz, according to Josephus, the daily Temple sacrifice (Tamid) ceased due to a lack of priests, or lambs.[77][78] Jewish fighters sought refuge in the Temple courtyards while Titus, unsuccessfully, renewed peace offers through Josephus.[79] Some members of the priestly and upper classes surrendered, and were sent by Titus to the village of Gophna north of Jerusalem.[80][81][82] Later, during the siege, they were called upon, along with Josephus, to persuade their fellow Jews in the city to surrender. According to Josephus, this led to great numbers fleeing to the Romans.[83][82] The Romans then built four ramps targeting the Temple's defenses.[72] Jewish defenders set fire to several stoas connecting the Temple to Antonia to obstruct Roman access, while the Romans burned another nearby stoa.[84] After several days of failed attempts to breach the Temple's stones with battering rams, the Romans set fire to its gates and surrounding porticoes.[85] The Jewish defenders retreated to the inner court. According to Josephus, at this stage, Titus convened his commanders to decide the Temple's fate.[86]
On the eighth day of the month of Av, Roman forces breached the Temple's outer court.[87] According to Josephus, on the tenth of Av, a Roman soldier hurled a burning piece of wood into the northern chamber, igniting a fire that ultimately consumed the entire Temple structure.[88][87][89] Josephus claims that Titus attempted to halt the fire, but his soldiers ignored or disobeyed his orders; however, this claim is contested by both ancient sources[90][91] and modern scholars.[92][93] As a result, the question of whether the destruction was deliberate or accidental, and in particular, Titus' role in the destruction, remains unsettled.[92]
As the Temple burned, chaos erupted in its courtyards. Josephus describes how some priests, overwhelmed by grief and despair at the sight of the Temple engulfed in flames, leapt into the fire.[94] Cassius Dio recounts that as the temple burned and defeat became inevitable, many Jews chose suicide, viewing it as a form of victory and salvation to die alongside the temple.[95][96] Roman soldiers looted and killed indiscriminately, showing no regard for whether individuals begged for mercy or resisted their advance.[97] At one point, many Jews, including poor women and children (approximately 6,000, according to Josephus), sought refuge in a colonnade in the outer court. The Romans set the structure ablaze, and all perished.[98][99] Josephus attributes the tragedy to "false prophets" who urged people to ascend the Temple Mount, claiming it would bring salvation.[98] The Romans then moved to systematically destroy the rest of the Temple Mount,[100] razing the remaining porticoes, treasuries, and gates,[101][94] and secured their victory by placing their standards near the eastern gate.[102][94]
The debate on Josephus' account
Josephus' claim that the Temple's destruction was the result of chaos and the impulse of a single soldier, rather than a deliberate decision, has been met with skepticism and sparked debate among scholars.[93][92] Josephus reports that, earlier, when consulting with his officers, Titus had decided against those advocating for the Temple's destruction, believing that Rome should preserve such a magnificent structure and retain it as an ornament of Roman rule.[103][86] When the Temple was set on fire, Josephus states that Titus, having been woken from a nap, rushed to the scene and ordered the fire to be put out.[104] However, amidst the chaos, his soldiers either did not hear or ignored his orders, with some encouraging others to add to the flames.[89] Titus and his officers entered the Temple, viewing the heikhal and the Holy of Holies. He again ordered the fire extinguished, but the soldiers, driven by chaos, hatred, and greed, ignored him, continuing to loot and burn the structure.[105] Josephus' account has received support from some scholars, with Goodman arguing that it could be plausible, particularly given the difficulty of containing a fire in the intense heat of Jerusalem during the summer.[93] Modern scholarship, however, generally tends to reject Josephus' account.[92]
A contrasting account comes from the 4th-century Christian historian Sulpicius Severus, who, possibly drawing on Tacitus,[a] claims that Titus intentionally ordered the Temple's destruction to eradicate Jewish and Christian faiths.[106][90] Additional sources, including Valerius Flaccus and the Babylonian Talmud,[107] also suggest that Titus may have been directly responsible for the Temple's destruction.[91] Given that temple destruction was considered sacrilegious in antiquity,[b] some scholars propose that Josephus may have downplayed Titus' involvement to protect his reputation.[93]
Conquest and destruction of the city
With the destruction of the Temple complex, the Romans began systematically destroying Jerusalem.[109][110] Titus rejected offers from Simon bar Giora and John of Gischala to leave the city for the desert. Instead, he ordered the razing of extensive sections of Jerusalem, including the Acra, the Ophel, the council chamber of the Sanhedrin, with the destruction and fire reaching the palaces built by the royalty of Adiabene.[111] Soon, the entire Lower City, extending down to the Pool of Siloam, was set ablaze.[112][113]
On the 20th of Av, the Romans launched an assault on the wealthy neighborhood of the Upper City. The Idumeans sought reconciliation with Titus; some were killed and arrested by Simon bar Giora.[114] At this time, a captured priest and Temple treasurer surrendered various Temple treasures to the Romans, including golden lampstands, tables, sacred vessels, priestly garments, clothes and spices.[115][116] Within eighteen days, the Romans completed their siege ramp, prompting Jews to flee into underground hideouts while the soldiers indiscriminately massacred people in the streets and homes.[117]
With the city's fall, Titus ordered its systematic destruction.[109][118] According to Josephus, Titus "ordered the whole city and temple to be razed to the ground," leaving intact just the three towers of Herod's palace to exhibit the city's former grandeur and the western wall to safeguard the Roman garrison stationed there. However, "all the rest of the wall encompassing the city was so completely leveled to the ground as to leave future visitors to the spot no ground for believing that it had ever been inhabited."[119][118] He writes:
Now as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury (for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other work to be done), [Titus] Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and Temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as they were of the greatest eminence; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall enclosed the city on the west side. This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison [in the Upper City], as were the towers [the three forts] also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had subdued; but for all the rest of the wall [surrounding Jerusalem], it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it [Jerusalem] had ever been inhabited. This was the end which Jerusalem came to by the madness of those that were for innovations; a city otherwise of great magnificence, and of mighty fame among all mankind.[120]
And truly, the very view itself was a melancholy thing; for those places which were adorned with trees and pleasant gardens, were now become desolate country every way, and its trees were all cut down. Nor could any foreigner that had formerly seen Judaea and the most beautiful suburbs of the city, and now saw it as a desert, but lament and mourn sadly at so great a change. For the war had laid all signs of beauty quite waste. Nor had anyone who had known the place before, had come on a sudden to it now, would he have known it again. But though he [a foreigner] were at the city itself, yet would he have inquired for it.[121]
The historical account provided by Josephus is well supported by archaeological evidence from 70 CE, uncovered throughout the remains of the ancient city.[122][123][124] Ronny Reich wrote that "While remains relating to the destruction of the Temple are scant, those pertaining to the Temple Mount walls and their close vicinity, the Upper City, the western part of the city, and the Tyropoeon Valley are considerable. [...] It was found that in most cases the archaeological record coincides with the historical description, pointing to Josephus' reliability".[124]
In the 1970s and 1980s, a team led by Nahman Avigad discovered traces of great fire that damaged the Upper City's residential buildings. The fires consumed all organic matter. In houses where there was a beamed ceiling between the floors, the fire caused the top of the building to collapse, along with the top rows of stone, and they buried everything that remained in the home under them. There are buildings where traces remain only in part of the house, and there are buildings that have been completely burned. Calcium oxides have been discovered in several locations, indicating that a lengthy burning damaged the limestones. The Burnt House in the Herodian Quarter, for example, shows signs of a fire that raged at the site during the city's destruction.[124][125]
The fire left its mark even on household utensils and objects that were in the same buildings. Limestone vessels were stained with ash or even burned and turned into lime, glass vessels exploded and warped from the heat of the fire until they could not be recovered in the laboratory. In contrast, pottery and basalt survived. The layer of ash and charred wood left over from the fires reached an average height of about a meter, and the rock falls reached up to two meters and more.[124] The great urban drainage channel and the Pool of Siloam in the Lower City became clogged with silt and stopped working,[126][127] and the city walls collapsed in numerous places.[127]
At the base of the Temple Mount walls, large stones and rubble, toppled by the Romans during their razing of the temple complex, have been uncovered.[122] Near the southern section of the Western Wall, massive stones from the temple complex were discovered, having been thrown onto the Herodian street running alongside the wall.[127][128] Among these stones is the Trumpeting Place inscription, a monumental Hebrew inscription which was thrown down by Roman legionnaires during the destruction of the Temple.[129]
Captives and executions
After Jerusalem's fall, Titus ordered his men to kill only those who engaged in armed resistance, but many old and weak prisoners were killed against his orders.[109] Younger survivors were confined on the Temple Mount, where their fate was determined: rebels and brigands were executed, the tallest and most handsome were selected for Titus' triumph in Rome, prisoners over 17 were sent in chains to Egypt, many were distributed across the empire for execution by the sword or wild animals, and those under 17 were sold into slavery.[130] Starvation claimed many lives in captivity, while Josephus claimed to have saved several acquaintances.[130] The Romans searched underground tunnels, killing survivors and discovering the corpses of those who had starved or killed one another, and engaged in looting.[131] According to Eusebius, Vespasian commanded the elimination of all members of the Davidic line found, aiming to eradicate any trace of a potential Jewish royal lineage.[132][131]
John of Gischala emerged alive, surrendered, and was sentenced to life imprisonment.[131] Simon Bar Giora was caught after he and his companions, hiding in an underground passage, ran low on food. He emerged at the site of the destroyed temple, dressed in a white tunic and purple mantle.[133] Terentius Rufus had him captured and sent to Titus in Caesarea.[134]
Before arriving in Rome for his triumph, Titus embarked on a regional victory tour.[135] In Caesarea Philippi, he staged spectacles featuring war prisoners, including executions by wild animals and gladiatorial combat. He later marked his brother's birthday in Caesarea, where 2,500 Jewish captives were killed in similar games.[136][137] More captives were executed during Vespasian's birthday celebrations in Berytus.[137] The Temple treasures, including the Menorah and the Table of the Bread of God's Presence, were paraded through Rome during the triumphal procession in summer 71, alongside hundreds of chained Jewish prisoners, including Simon Bar Giora, who was executed as the leading figure of the rebellion.[138][139] With Jerusalem, the center of rebel resistance, captured and destroyed, Roman forces conducted mop-up operations to suppress the remaining pockets of Jewish resistance, which lasted until 73/74 CE.[140]
Casualities
Josephus wrote that 1.1 million people, the majority of them Jewish, were killed during the siege – a death toll he attributes to the celebration of Passover.[141] Josephus goes on to report that after the Romans killed the armed and elderly people, 97,000 were enslaved.[142] Josephus records that many people were sold into slavery, and that of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, 40,000 individuals survived, and the emperor let them go wherever they chose.[143] Before and during the siege, according to Josephus' account, there were multiple waves of desertions from the city.[144]
Tacitus later wrote:
The total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death.[145]
Josephus' death toll figures have been rejected as impossible by Seth Schwartz, who estimates that about a million people lived in all of Palestine at the time, about half of them Jews, and that sizable Jewish populations remained in the area after the war was over, even in the hard-hit region of Judea.[146] Schwartz, however, believes that the captive number of 97,000 is more reliable.[144] It has also been noted that the revolt had not deterred pilgrims from visiting Jerusalem, and a large number became trapped in the city and perished during the siege.[147] Many of the people of the surrounding area are also thought to have been driven from the land or enslaved.[144]
Aftermath
In Jerusalem
Following the revolt, the ruins of Jerusalem were garrisoned by Legio X Fretensis, which remained stationed there for nearly two centuries.[148][149] Their presence in the ruined city is well attested through various inscriptions, tiles, and bricks bearing the legion's stamp, though the exact location of their encampment within the city remains unknown.[150]
The establishment of a Roman garrison in the ruins likely discouraged Jews from returning to reside there.[150] Josephus noted that Titus compensated him with properties elsewhere, as those in Jerusalem would be of no value due to the Roman military presence.[151][150] He also wrote that during the revolt, every tree in the vicinity of the city was cut down, leaving the landscape "as bare as virgin soil".[152]
In Josephus's account of Eleazar ben Yair's speech at Masada (73/74 CE), he quotes Eleazar describing the scene in the ruined city, where "hapless old men sit beside the ashes of the shrine, and a few women, reserved by the enemy for basest outrage."[153][150] Epiphanius, a Christian bishop who flourished in the 4th century, records what may be authentic testimony of a small, impoverished Jewish community residing on Jerusalem's southwest hill between the revolts.[154][155] Excavations in Shuafat, 4 kilometers north of Jerusalem's Old City, uncovered evidence of a settlement established after the destruction, designed in the Roman style but hosting a substantial Jewish population. At the onset of the Bar Kokhba revolt, the settlement was partially burned, and its inhabitants fled.[156]
After the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132–136 CE, Jews were banned from Jerusalem, which was rebuilt as a Roman colony dedicated to Jupiter, along with its surrounding areas.[150] For the next five centuries, Jews were only permitted to enter the city on Tisha B'Av to mourn the destruction of the Temple.[157] This restriction continued after the Roman Empire's conversion to Christianity.[158] A Christian pilgrim who visited Jerusalem in 333 CE recorded that Jews would come annually to anoint a perforated stone, "bewail themselves with groans, rend their garments, and so depart."[158] A brief exception occurred during Emperor Julian's reign (361–363 CE), when Jews were allowed to return and possibly began reconstructing the Temple. However, this project ended when construction materials were destroyed by an earthquake or fire, and Julian died soon after.[157] Jews were permitted to permanently resettle in the city only after it was conquered by Umar in the 7th century.[159]
Triumph in Rome
A year after the fall of Jerusalem, in the summer of 71 CE,[160][161] a triumph was held in Rome to celebrate the fall of Jerusalem and the Roman victory over the Jews.[22][162] This triumph was unique in Roman history, being the only one dedicated to subjugating an existing province's population.[163][161] It is also the most thoroughly documented Imperial triumph,[22][164][165] preserved in vivid detail in Josephus' account in Book VII of The Jewish War.[166] The triumph drew a vast crowd, with one scholar estimating the number of spectators at around 300,000 or more.[167][160]
At dawn, Vespasian and Titus, adorned in laurel crowns and purple robes, emerged from the Temple of Isis in the Campus Martius, and proceeded to the Porticus Octaviae, where they were met by senators, chief magistrates, and equestrian order members.[160] A tribunal with ivory chairs, traditionally reserved for magistrates and priests with imperium, had been prepared, where Vespasian and Titus took their seats, unarmed and crowned with bays.[160] In response to the acclamations by troops, Vespasian signaled for silence, and offered prayers of thanksgiving, followed by Titus.[160] After dismissing the troops to breakfast, they proceeded to the Porta Triumphalis, performed sacrifices, donned triumphal robes, and began the procession.[160]
The procession showcased an elaborate array of artworks, including purple tapestries, rugs, gems, divine statues, and decorated animals.[168] Multi-story scaffolds displayed golden frames, ivory work, and tapestries illustrating scenes from the war.[169] Vespasian and Titus rode together in triumphal chariots, with Domitian riding beside them separately.[170][171] Particularly significant were sacred items from the Temple, such as the menorah, the golden Table of Showbread, and Jewish religious texts.[172] 700 Jewish captives were paraded as symbols of conquest, according to Josephus, "to make a display of their own destruction".[173][136][174] The triumph culminating in the execution of Simon bar Giora who was scourged and hanged at the Mamertine Prison in accordance with Roman custom.[171]
Suppression of the revolt
After the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the city and its temple, there were still a few Judean strongholds in which the rebels continued holding out, at Herodium, Machaerus, and Masada.[175] Both Herodium and Machaerus fell to the Roman army within the next two years, with Masada remaining as the final stronghold of the Judean rebels. In 73 CE, the Romans breached the walls of Masada and captured the fortress, with Josephus claiming that nearly all of the Jewish defenders had committed mass suicide prior to the entry of the Romans.[176] With the fall of Masada, the First Jewish–Roman War came to an end.
Bar Kokhba revolt
Around 130 CE, six decades after the Jerusalem's destruction, a new Roman colony, Aelia Capitolina, was founded on the city's ruins, an act described by historian Martin Goodman as the "final solution for Jewish rebelliousness".[177] The founding of the colony, coupled with the construction of a temple to Jupiter on the Temple Mount, is widely regarded as a key trigger for the Bar Kokhba revolt, which erupted in 132 CE.[178][179]
Supported by the Sanhedrin, Simon Bar Kosiba (later known as Bar Kokhba) established an independent state that was conquered by the Romans in 135 CE. The revolt resulted in the extensive depopulation of Judean communities, more so than during the First Jewish–Roman War.[180] The Jewish communities of Judea were devastated to an extent which some scholars describe as a genocide.[180][181] However, the Jewish population remained strong in other parts of Palestine, thriving in Galilee, Golan, Bet Shean Valley, and the eastern, southern, and western edges of Judea.[182] Emperor Hadrian wiped the name Judaea off the map and replaced it with Syria Palaestina.[183][184][185]
Following the suppression of the third Jewish revolt, the Romans continued the construction and development of Aelia Capitolina, which remained a modest provincial town within the empire.[179] Its population consisted primarily of Roman legionaries, veterans, and other non-Jewish settlers.[179] As a pagan colony, it was dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter, with temples to Roman deities replacing the city's former Jewish character entirely.[179]
Commemoration
Roman
The Flavian dynasty celebrated the fall of Jerusalem by building two monumental triumphal arches. The Arch of Titus, which stills stands today, was built c. 82 CE by the Roman Emperor Domitian on Via Sacra, Rome, to commemorate the siege and fall of Jerusalem.[186] The bas-relief on the arch depicts soldiers carrying spoils from the Temple, including the Menorah, during a victory procession. A second, less known Arch of Titus constructed at the southeast entrance to the Circus Maximus was built by the Senate in 82 CE. Only a few traces of it remain today.[187]
In 75 CE, the Temple of Peace, also known as the Forum of Vespasian, was built under Emperor Vespasian in Rome. The monument was built to celebrate the conquest of Jerusalem and it is said to have housed the Temple Menorah from Herod's Temple.[188]
The Colosseum, otherwise known as the Flavian Amphitheater, built in Rome between 70 and 82 CE, is believed to have been partially financed by the spoils of the Roman victory over the Jews. Archaeological discoveries have found a block of travertine that bears dowel holes that show the Jewish Wars financed the building of the amphitheater.[189]
The Flavians issued a series of coins, named Judaea Capta ("Judaea has been conquered"), to commemorate their victory.[190] These coins served as a key component of Flavian imperial propaganda throughout the Roman Empire and were produced over a period of 10 to 12 years.[191] The obverse featured portraits of Vespasian or, more frequently, Titus,[191] while the reverse depicted allegorical imagery centered on a mourning female figure representing the conquered Jewish people.[190] She is shown seated beneath a palm tree, a symbol of Judaea.[190] The reverse designs varied, sometimes portraying the female figure bound or kneeling before the victory goddess Nike (Victoria).[191]
Jewish
In Jewish tradition, the annual fast day of Tisha B'Av marks the destruction of the First and Second Temples, which according to Jewish tradition, occurred on the same day on the Hebrew calendar.
Even after its devastation, Jerusalem's religious and secular centrality for Jews endured, as did the practice of pilgrimage, which evolved into various forms over the centuries.[192] The Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds, compiled in the late 4th and 5th centuries respectively, provide detailed instructions for mourning rituals observed by Jewish pilgrims visiting Jerusalem. These include guidelines on tearing garments and reciting prayers when witnessing the destruction in Judea, Jerusalem, and the Temple.[158]
In the centuries following the destruction of the Temple, some Jewish communities adopted a new Hebrew calendar that began with the year of the Temple's destruction. In Zoara, located south of the Dead Sea (in modern-day Jordan), this system was consistently used in the Jewish section of the town's cemetery.[193] One inscription, for instance, belonging to a woman named Marsa, reads, "she died on the fifth day, 17 days into the month of Elul, the fourth year of shemitah, 362 years after the destruction of the Temple." A similar calendar system was adopted by other Jewish communities during late antiquity, starting in the Levant and spreading to diaspora communities, to mark births, marriages, and other significant life events.[193]
Legacy
In Jewish theology and eschatology
The Jewish Amoraim attributed the destruction of the Temple and Jerusalem as punishment from God for the "baseless" hatred that pervaded Jewish society at the time.[194] Many Jews in despair are thought to have abandoned Judaism for some version of paganism, and many others sided with the growing Christian sect within Judaism.[146]: 196–198
Jerusalem retained its importance in Jewish life and culture even after its destruction, and it became a symbol of hope for return, rebuilding and renewal of national life.[1] The belief in a Third Temple remains a cornerstone of Orthodox Judaism.[195]
In Christian theology
The destruction was an important point in the separation of Christianity from its Jewish roots: many Christians responded by distancing themselves from the rest of Judaism, as reflected in the Gospels, which described Jesus as anti-Temple. Christians understood the events of 70 CE as a fulfilment of his prediction that the temple would be destroyed (in Matthew 24, Luke 21, Mark 13);[196][197][198] some also saw it as a punishment of the Jews for their rejection of Jesus.[146]: 30–31
Jewish Folklore
A tradition among the Jews of Spain held that the exiles from Jerusalem in 70 CE are responsible for naming the city of Toledo, deriving the name from the Hebrew words toledot or tulaytula, meaning "migration" or "wandering".[199]
In popular culture
The siege and destruction of Jerusalem has inspired writers and artists through the centuries.
Art
- The Franks Casket (8th century). The back side of the casket depicts the siege.[200]
- The Destruction of the Temple at Jerusalem by Nicolas Poussin (1637). Oil on canvas, 147 × 198.5 cm. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Depicts the destruction and looting of the Second Temple by the Roman army led by Titus.[201]
- The Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus by Wilhelm von Kaulbach (1846). Oil on canvas, 585 × 705 cm. Neue Pinakothek, Munich. An allegorical depiction of the destruction of Jerusalem, dramatically centered on the figure of the High Priest, with Titus entering from the right.[202]
- The Siege and Destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans Under the Command of Titus, 70 by David Roberts (1850). Oil on canvas, 136 × 197 cm. Private collection. Depicts the burning and looting of Jerusalem by the Roman army under Titus.[203]
- The Destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem by Francesco Hayez (1867). Oil on canvas, 183 × 252 cm. Gallerie dell'Accademia, Venice. Depicts the destruction and looting of the Second Temple by the Roman army.[204]
Literature
- Siege of Jerusalem, a Middle English poem (c. 1370–1390).[205]
- The Great Jewish Revolt, book series by James Mace (2014–2016).
- The Lost Wisdom of the Magi, book by Susie Helme (2020).
- Rebel Daughter, book by Lori Banov Kaufmann (2021).
Film
- Legend of Destruction (2021), an Israeli animated historical drama film.
See also
Notes
- ^ Though this is disputed.[90]
- ^ Though, according to Benjamin Isaac, the destruction of sanctuaries has been a common wartime practice dating back to at least the 5th century BCE.[108]
References
- ^ a b c Levine, Lee I. (2002). Jerusalem: portrait of the city in the Second Temple period (538 BCE – 70 CE). Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, published in cooperation with the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. pp. 15–20. ISBN 978-0-8276-0956-3.
- ^ Lehmann, Clayton Miles (2007). "Palestine: History". The On-line Encyclopedia of the Roman Provinces. The University of South Dakota. Archived from the original on 10 March 2008. Retrieved 18 April 2007.
- ^ Har-El, Menashe (1977). This Is Jerusalem. Canaan Publishing House. pp. 68–95. ISBN 978-0-86628-002-0.
- ^ a b c Broshi 1999, p. 3.
- ^ Price 2011, p. 410.
- ^ Roth, Helena; Gadot, Yuval; Langgut, Dafna (2019). "Wood Economy in Early Roman Period Jerusalem". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 382: 71–87. doi:10.1086/705729. ISSN 0003-097X. S2CID 211672443.
- ^ Rocca (2008), p. 82.
- ^ "Josephus, The Jewish War V, 142". Archived from the original on 2 October 2009. Retrieved 18 December 2009.
- ^ a b c Price 1992, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 174.
- ^ a b Millar 1995, p. 71.
- ^ Mason 2016, p. 281.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 180.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 1, 51, 52–53.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 51.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 70.
- ^ a b Rocca (2008), pp. 81–82.
- ^ Millar 1995, p. 73.
- ^ Rocca 2022, p. 147.
- ^ a b Millar 1995, p. 75.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 302.
- ^ a b c Millar 2005, p. 101.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 300.
- ^ Histories, 5.12
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 283.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 300–301.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 127.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 303.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 304.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 305.
- ^ a b Smallwood 1976, p. 319.
- ^ Tacitus, Histories, V, XIII
- ^ Clarysse 2021, p. 31.
- ^ Wettstein, Howard: Diasporas and Exiles: Varieties of Jewish Identity, p. 31 (2002). University of California Press
- ^ Price 2024, p. 18.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, pp. 309–310.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 128.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 306.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 307.
- ^ a b c Smallwood 1976, p. 318.
- ^ Price 1992, pp. 128–130.
- ^ Price 1992, pp. 128–129.
- ^ a b Price 1992, pp. 115, 128.
- ^ a b Price 1992, p. 129.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 100.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 130.
- ^ a b Price 1992, p. 131.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 316.
- ^ a b Price 1992, p. 134.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 318–319.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 319.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 320.
- ^ a b Price 1992, p. 135.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 320–321.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 323.
- ^ a b Wilker 2012, pp. 181–182.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 324–325.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 325–326.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 327.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 333–334.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 161.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 335.
- ^ a b c Price 1992, p. 156.
- ^ The Jewish War, V, 513
- ^ The Jewish War, V, 549
- ^ Lamentations Rabbah, 4.11
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 329.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 333.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 332–323.
- ^ Price 1992, pp. 160–161.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 334–335.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 345.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 155.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 332.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, pp. 340–341.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 164.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 347.
- ^ Price 1992, pp. 165–166.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 341–342.
- ^ The Jewish War, VI, 113–115
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 342–343.
- ^ a b van Kooten 2011, p. 442.
- ^ The Jewish War, VI, 118–119
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 346–349.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 351–352.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, pp. 352–353.
- ^ a b Bahat 1999, p. 42.
- ^ The Jewish War, VI, 254–259
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 355.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 354.
- ^ a b Feldman 1999, p. 904.
- ^ a b c d Goldenberg 2006, pp. 194–195.
- ^ a b c d Goodman 2004, p. 16.
- ^ a b c Bahat 1999, pp. 42–43.
- ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History, LXVI, 6, 2–3
- ^ Goodblatt 2006, pp. 184–185.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 360.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 361.
- ^ Price 1992, pp. 171–172.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 171.
- ^ The Jewish War, VI, 280–284
- ^ The Jewish War, VI, 316–322
- ^ The Jewish War, VI, 237–243
- ^ The Jewish War, VI, 241–243
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 357.
- ^ Sulpicius Severus, Chronica 2.30, 6–7
- ^ Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 56b
- ^ Isaac 2024, p. 235.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 368.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 172.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 363–364.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 365.
- ^ Price 1992, pp. 172–173.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 366.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 366–367.
- ^ Price 1992, p. 174.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 367.
- ^ a b Price 2011, p. 409.
- ^ The Jewish War, VII, 1–3
- ^ Josephus. BJ. Translated by Whiston, William. 7.1.1..
- ^ Josephus. BJ. Translated by Whiston, William. 6.1.1..
- ^ a b Price 2011, pp. 409–410.
- ^ Weksler-Bdolah, Shlomit (2019). Aelia Capitolina – Jerusalem in the Roman period: in light of archaeological research. Brill. p. 3. ISBN 978-90-04-41707-6.
The historical description is consistent with the archeological finds. Collapses of massive stones from the walls of the Temple Mount were exposed lying over the Herodian street running along the Western Wall of the Temple Mount. The residential buildings of the Ophel and the Upper City were destroyed by great fire. The large urban drainage channel and the Pool of Siloam in the Lower City silted up and ceased to function, and in many places the city walls collapsed. ... Following the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE, a new era began in the city's history. The Herodian city was destroyed and a military camp of the Tenth Roman Legion established on part of the ruins. In c. 130 CE, the Roman emperor Hadrian founded a new city in place of Herodian Jerusalem next to the military camp. He honored the city with the status of a colony and named it Aelia Capitolina and possibly also forbidding Jews from entering its boundaries
- ^ a b c d רייך, רוני; Reich, Ronny (2009). "The Sack of Jerusalem in 70 CE: Flavius Josephus' Description and the Archaeological Record / חורבן ירושלים בשנת 70 לסה"נ: תיאורו של יוסף בן מתתיהו והממצא הארכאולוגי". Cathedra: For the History of Eretz Israel and Its Yishuv / קתדרה: לתולדות ארץ ישראל ויישובה (131): 25–42. ISSN 0334-4657. JSTOR 23407359.
- ^ Geva, H. ed., 2010 Jewish Quarter Excavations in the Old City of Jerusalem Conducted by Nahman Avigad, 1969–1982 IV: The Burnt House of Area B and Other Studies. Final Report. Jerusalem.
- ^ Reich, Ronny; Shukron, Eli; Lernau, Omri (2007). "Recent Discoveries in the City of David, Jerusalem". Israel Exploration Journal. 57 (2): 153–169. ISSN 0021-2059. JSTOR 27927171.
- ^ a b c Weksler-Bdolah 2020, p. 3.
- ^ Reich, R. and Billig, Y. 2008. Jerusalem, The Robinson's Arch Area. NEAEHL 5: 1809–1811.
- ^ Demsky, Aaron (1986). "When the Priests Trumpeted the Onset of the Sabbath". The BAS Library. Retrieved 22 May 2022.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, pp. 368–369.
- ^ a b c Rogers 2022, p. 370.
- ^ Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 3.12
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 376–377.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 377.
- ^ Davies 2023, p. 101.
- ^ a b Beard 2002, p. 553.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, pp. 376, 377.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 381–383.
- ^ Hengel 1989, p. 375.
- ^ Tropper 2016, pp. 91–92. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFTropper2016 (help)
- ^ Goldberg, G J. "Chronology of the War According to Josephus: Part 7, The Fall of Jerusalem". www.josephus.org. Retrieved 8 December 2017.
- ^ Josephus, The Wars of the Jews VI.9.3
- ^ Flavius Josephus, The Jewish War, Book VI, 378–386
- ^ a b c Schwartz, Seth (2014). The ancient Jews from Alexander to Muhammad. Cambridge. pp. 85–86. ISBN 978-1-107-04127-1.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Tacitus, Histories, Book V, Chapter XIII
- ^ a b c Schwartz, Seth (1984). "Political, social and economic life in the land of Israel". In Davies, William David; Finkelstein, Louis; Katz, Steven T. (eds.). The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. Cambridge University Press. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-521-77248-8.
- ^ Wettstein, Howard: Diasporas and Exiles: Varieties of Jewish Identity, p. 31 (2002). University of California Press
- ^ Millar 1995, p. 76.
- ^ Belayche 2001, pp. 82–84.
- ^ a b c d e Price 2011, p. 414.
- ^ Josephus, Life, 422
- ^ Safrai 1976, p. 314.
- ^ The Jewish War, VII, 377
- ^ Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures, 129–130
- ^ Price 2011, p. 415.
- ^ Price 2011, pp. 415–416.
- ^ a b Friedman 1996, p. 137.
- ^ a b c Friedman 1996, p. 138.
- ^ Friedman 1996, pp. 138–139.
- ^ a b c d e f Rogers 2022, p. 381.
- ^ a b Huitink 2024, p. 216.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 3–5.
- ^ Millar 1995, p. 79.
- ^ Huitink 2024, p. 223.
- ^ Rocca 2022, p. 246.
- ^ The Jewish War, VII, 116–57
- ^ Künzl 1988, p. 72.
- ^ Rogers 2022, pp. 381–382.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 382.
- ^ Beard 2002, p. 550.
- ^ a b Rogers 2022, p. 383.
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 382, 619.
- ^ The Jewish War, VII, 96
- ^ Rogers 2022, p. 379.
- ^ Tropper, Amram D. (2016). Rewriting Ancient Jewish History: The History of the Jews in Roman Times and the New Historical Method. Routledge Studies in Ancient History. Taylor & Francis. p. 92. ISBN 978-1-317-24708-1. Retrieved 27 March 2019.
- ^ Josephus, Flavius (1974). Wasserstein, Abraham (ed.). Flavius Josephus: Selections from His Works (1st ed.). New York: Viking Press. pp. 186–300. OCLC 470915959.
- ^ Goodman 1987, p. 27–28.
- ^ Eshel 2006, p. 106.
- ^ a b c d Magness 2024, pp. 338–339.
- ^ a b Taylor, J. E. (2012). The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-955448-5.
These texts, combined with the relics of those who hid in caves along the western side of the Dead Sea, tells us a great deal. What is clear from the evidence of both skeletal remains and artefacts is that the Roman assault on the Jewish population of the Dead Sea was so severe and comprehensive that no one came to retrieve precious legal documents, or bury the dead. Up until this date the Bar Kokhba documents indicate that towns, villages and ports where Jews lived were busy with industry and activity. Afterwards there is an eerie silence, and the archaeological record testifies to little Jewish presence until the Byzantine era, in En Gedi. This picture coheres with what we have already determined in Part I of this study, that the crucial date for what can only be described as genocide, and the devastation of Jews and Judaism within central Judea, was 135 CE and not, as usually assumed, 70 CE, despite the siege of Jerusalem and the Temple's destruction
- ^ Totten, S. Teaching about genocide: issues, approaches and resources. p. 24. [1]
- ^ David Goodblatt, 'The political and social history of the Jewish community in the Land of Israel,' in William David Davies, Louis Finkelstein, Steven T. Katz (eds.) The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period, Cambridge University Press, 2006 pp. 404–430 [406].
- ^ H.H. Ben-Sasson, A History of the Jewish People, Harvard University Press, 1976, ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6, p. 334: "In an effort to wipe out all memory of the bond between the Jews and the land, Hadrian changed the name of the province from Judaea to Syria-Palestina, a name that became common in non-Jewish literature."
- ^ Ariel Lewin. The archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine. Getty Publications, 2005 p. 33. "It seems clear that by choosing a seemingly neutral name – one juxtaposing that of a neighboring province with the revived name of an ancient geographical entity (Palestine), already known from the writings of Herodotus – Hadrian was intending to suppress any connection between the Jewish people and that land." ISBN 978-0-89236-800-6
- ^ The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered by Peter Schäfer, ISBN 978-3-16-148076-8
- ^ "The Arch of Titus". exhibitions.kelsey.lsa.umich.edu. Retrieved 6 July 2017.
- ^ Maclean Rogers, Guy (2021). For the Freedom of Zion: The Great Revolt of Jews against Romans, 66–74 CE. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 3–5. ISBN 978-0-300-26256-8.
- ^ "Cornell.edu". Cals.cornell.edu. Retrieved 31 August 2013.
- ^ Alföldy, Géza (1995). "Eine Bauinschrift Aus Dem Colosseum". Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 109: 195–226.
- ^ a b c Magness 2012, pp. 166–167.
- ^ a b c Overman 2002, p. 215.
- ^ Friedman 1996, pp. 136–137, 145–146.
- ^ a b Sivan 2008, pp. 243–245.
- ^ Yoma, 9b
- ^ Baker, Eric W.. The Eschatological Role of the Jerusalem Temple: An Examination of the Jewish Writings Dating from 586 BCE to 70 CE. Germany: Anchor Academic Publishing, 2015, pp. 361–362
- ^ L. Gentry, Jr., Kenneth (9 May 2019). "Why Is AD 70 Important?". Postmillennial Worldview. Retrieved 22 October 2024.
- ^ H. Meservy, Keith. "'Gadiantonism' and the Destruction of Jerusalem". BYU Religious Studies Center. Retrieved 22 October 2024.
- ^ L. Maier, Paul. "Not One Stone Left Upon Another". Christian History. Christian History Institute. Retrieved 22 October 2024.
- ^ Gerber 2021, p. 166.
- ^ Page, R. I. (1999). An Introduction to English Runes. Woodbridge. pp. 176–177.
- ^ Soloveichik, Meir (12 July 2018). "How Rembrandt Understood the Destruction of Jerusalem (and Poussin Didn't)". Mosaic Magazine. Retrieved 28 August 2018.
- ^ Zissos, Andrew (2015). A Companion to the Flavian Age of Imperial Rome. Wiley. p. 493. ISBN 978-1-118-87817-0. Retrieved 28 August 2018.
- ^ "David Roberts' 'The Siege and Destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans Under the Command of Titus, A.D. 70'". Jerusalem: Fall of a City – Rise of a Vision. University of Nottingham. Archived from the original on 20 February 2020. Retrieved 28 August 2018.
- ^ McBee, Richard (8 August 2011). "Mourning, Memory, and Art". Jewish Ideas Daily. Retrieved 28 August 2018.
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External links
- Map of the siege of Jerusalem Archived 27 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine